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Obama Doctrine: Syria vs. Libya Intervention

Obama went on to explain why Libya passed that test. The country, he said, was at risk of “violence on a horrific scale”—specifically because of what he described as an impending slaughter in the city of Benghazi. Allowing that slaughter, he said, would have “stained the conscience of the world.” That was the values part. The reason that taking action met our interests, Obama said, was because the U.S. enjoyed “a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab countries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves. We also had the ability to stop Gaddafi’s forces in their tracks without putting American troops on the ground.”

The Obama administration argues that the same criteria don’t apply in Syria. The killing there has been undeniably terrible, with estimates running as high as 13,000 dead since the uprising began. But in Libya, Obama was acting specifically in response to the imminent storming by Gaddafi’s forces of Benghazi, a city of 700,000, where Obama predicted an indiscriminate massacre. Meanwhile, there’s a consensus that military action in Syria would be far riskier than it was in Libya, thanks to Syria’s more sophisticated military forces and air defenses.

The Syrian opposition is also even more splintered and inchoate than were the Libyan rebels, and Assad is more popular than was Gaddafi. International bodies like the United Nations and Arab League haven’t called for intervention, and Syria’s ties to Russia–and Iran–also introduce all sorts of strategic complications that didn’t exist in the case of Libya, which had few reliable friends and little geo-strategic import. Merely arming the opposition, as Romney has proposed to do, eliminates the risk to American soldiers, but the other concerns still apply.

Libya says it is ready to try Gaddafi loyalists

At the beginning of May, I wrote about the challenges surrounding Libya’s June 18 National Assembly elections. At the time, there was significant confusion over a proposed election law that would have banned political parties based on religion, ethnicity, or tribe. Since then, the National Transitional Council (NTC) has scrapped the law, but the elections could still be postponed. Last week, Mustafa Abdel Jalil, the head of the NTC, announced that the transitional government may delay the elections while some would-be candidates appeal their disqualifications in court (in February, Libya finalized a fairly complex set of eligibility laws for the National Assembly).

As we’ve seen in Egypt, questions of candidate eligibility close to an election can spark confusion. Libya’s pool of candidates for the National Assembly is already large and unwieldy—over 4,000 candidates have registered, including more than 2,600 independent candidates. Libya’s lack of many basic institutions, such as a constitution and an independent judiciary, compounds the confusion since it is not clear how decisions on matters like candidate eligibility are made. From my perspective, this is all the more reason for Libya to hold elections in a timely manner and begin building up the country’s political infrastructure. A potential delay adds to the likelihood that ongoing civil unrest will continue to foment. Moreover, risk-averse companies will continue to sit on the sidelines of Libya’s economy until a government is formed. Already, talk of delay has Libyans grumbling about a possible power grab by the NTC, whose legitimacy as a governing body is declining by the day.

The trials are being seen as a test of the new government's ability to try higher-profile Gaddafi loyalists and family members, including his son, Saif al-Islam - who could yet be tranferred to the International Criminal Court in the Hague.

"The trial of Buzeid Dorda and the other symbols of the former regime will begin on June 5 in a courthouse in Tripoli," Prosecutor-General Abdul Azizi al-Hassadi told Reuters.

Dorda, who was arrested last September in Tripoli, would be the first senior Gaddafi official put on trial in Libya since a popular revolution ousted the former government last year.

A transitional government appointed in November to lead Libya to elections is struggling to impose order on the myriad armed groups that toppled Gaddafi last year.

The government has been keen to try Gaddafi's family members and loyalists at home, but human rights activists worry that a weak central government and a lack of rule of law could rob them of the right to a fair trial.

If the International Criminal Court rules Libya is unwilling or unable to try Saif al-Islam, who is accused of crimes against humanity over the killing of civilian protesters, it says it will take jurisdiction of the case.

Saif al-Islam, Gaddafi's most prominent son, was captured by militia fighters in November.

Dorda had been with Gaddafi since he first seized power in a 1969 coup. He was known as a technocrat, and not an intelligence officer by training. Libyans do not associate him with some of the earlier and bloodiest periods in Gaddafi's autocracy such as the 1980s. He is believed to have taken on his job in 2009.

Libya oil production, exports back to normal

Libya by NATO and its allies is becoming horribly clearer with each passing day. Estimates of those killed so far vary, but 50,000 seems to be a low estimate. Indeed, the British Ministry of Defence was boasting that the onslaught had killed 35,000 as early as last May, and this number is constantly growing, as the destruction of Libyan state forces by the British, French and American blitzkrieg has left the country in a state of total anarchy.

Having nothing to unite them other than their former willingness to act as NATO's foot soldiers, Libya's former "rebels" are now turning on each other. 147 people were killed in in-fighting in southern Libya in a single week earlier this year, and in recent weeks government buildings including the prime ministerial compound have come under fire from rebels demanding cash payment for their services.

$1.4 billion has already been paid out, demonstrating that it was the forces of NATO colonialism, and not former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, who were reliant on "mercenaries". However, these payments were suspended last month due to widespread nepotism. Corruption is becoming endemic in Libya, with a further $2.5 billion in oil revenues that was supposed to have been transferred to the national treasury remaining unaccounted for.

Libya's resources are now being jointly plundered by the oil multinationals and a handful of chosen families from among the country's new elites: this is a case of a classic neo-colonial stitch-up. The use of these resources for giant infrastructure projects such as the Great Manmade River project, and the massive raising of living standards over the past four decades that came about as a result -- Libyan life expectancy rose from 51 to 77 after Gaddafi came to power in 1969 -- sadly look to have become things of the past.

However, woe betide anyone who mentions that now. It was decided long ago that no supporters of Gaddafi would be allowed to stand in the upcoming Libyan elections, but recent changes have gone even further. Law 37, passed by the NATO-imposed Libyan government last month, has created a new crime of "glorifying" the former government or its leader, subject to a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. Would this include a passing comment that things were better under Gaddafi? The law is deliberately vague enough to be open to interpretation. It is also a recipe for institutionalised political persecution.

Libya is Africa’s major oil producer and one of Europe’s biggest North African oil suppliers. Supplies from North Africa to Europe destinations have the advantage of being both timely and cost effective. According to the 2011 BP Statistical Energy Survey, the 1.6 million barrels of Libya crude oil per day represents about 2 % of the world crude production that is currently imported by almost the same old buyers.

According to Dr. Mayuf, the local operating companies are 7, on top of them are AGOCO, Al-Waha, Al-Zwaytina, Sirte and Ras lanuf. Foreign partners operating in Libya's oil and Gas since 2009 have reached up to 29 including the French TOTAL, the Italian Eni and Mellitah , the Spanish Respol, the American Exxon Mobile in addition to Chinese, Indian Japanese and Russian companies. Petro Canada, a partner with the Libyan Harouge is one of the biggest partners in Libya.

Mahmoud face to camera (in location): with the Libyan oil exporting back to normal, the Libyan people have got a reason to rejoice since they have regained the country's major fortune. But with the fact that foreign companies are still dominating a big share of refineries and the existence of a lack of transparency within the oil authorities, billions of petrodollars are still unaccounted for.

The transitional government has set up a special committee to investigate allegations of widespread corruption in the oil industry before the revolution unseated Muammar Gaddafi.

Revisions of oil contracts in Libya are underway as the interim government has started investigating foreign oil companies over their past relationships with the former government.

As Libya’s economy is based on oil and exports contribute between 75% and 90% of State revenues, European countries are the major beneficiaries of the Libyan oil exports garnering around 80%. Italy comes first, then France, the UK, Spain and Germany. Although they are the same countries that helped the revolutionaries against Gaddafi, some of them are still worried about any potential revision of their contracts.

Friday, May 20, 2011

NATO hits 3 ports to protect rebel-held port

TRIPOLI, Libya - NATO fighter jets struck three ports in bombing runs overnight, targeting Moammar Gadhafi's navy in an effort to protect the rebel-held port of Misrata, NATO said Friday. It was the broadest attack on Libya's naval forces since the alliance joined the conflict.

One bombing run hit the main port of Tripoli, where reporters could see flames and smoke rising above the stricken warship into the night sky. Other targets were the Khoms port, between Tripoli and Misrata, and Gadhafi's hometown of Sirte to the east.

In Brussels, NATO confirmed that its warplanes targeted the ports and accused Libya of using its ships in the escalating conflict, including attempts to mine the harbor in Misrata, Libya's third-largest city 125 miles (200 kilometers) southeast of Tripoli.

Rebels trying to end the more than 40-year rule of Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi have been struggling to hold Misrata against repeated attacks by Gadhafi's forces.

British Maj. Gen. John Lorimer, a communications officer, said British warplanes hit two Libyan corvette warships in the Khoms harbor and "successfully targeted a facility in the dockyard constructing fast inflatable boats, which Libyan forces have used several times in their efforts to mine Misrata and attack vessels in the area."

He said the port was the nearest concentration of regime warships to the port of Misrata, which Gadhafi has repeatedly attempted to close to humanitarian shipping.

Mohammed Rashid, general manager of the Tripoli port, told reporters the coast guard boats were used to patrol Libyan waters for immigrant boats trying to make it to Europe and for search-and-rescue activities.

In Brussels, NATO played video clips from the jets' gun cameras showing the bombing of two frigates and a port facility.

The two frigates, a Soviet-built Koni class anti-submarine boat and a French-built Combattante class missile craft, were moored at the dock when they were hit with laser-guided bombs. It was not immediately clear whether their crews were aboard when they were struck.

"Our aim was not to destroy these ships but to remove their military ability," NATO spokesman Wing Cmdr. Mike Bracken told reporters. "They were identified as legitimate and legal targets."

But Bracken declined to say whether the frigates had been used in any naval operations - such as the mining of Misrata port - in recent weeks. He said NATO has "meticulously communicated" to all government troops that the risks of being around military equipment were extremely high.

NATO strike early Friday hit a police academy in the Tripoli neighborhood of Tajoura, a government official said.

The airstrikes came a day after Gadhafi's forces rocketed the strongholds of rebel fighters in the strategic mountain heights southwest of the Libyan capital.

The two sides appeared to be fighting for control of the two highways to the north and south of the Nafusa mountain range, which slices across the desert south of Tripoli to the western border with Tunisia, controlling a key border crossing.

Libyan government spokesman Moussa Ibrahim told reporters at a late-night news conference Thursday that in a meeting earlier this week with Russian leaders, an envoy offered to withdraw Libyan fighters from cities as part of a peace deal, if rebels do the same.

"We are even prepared to go as far as withdrawing our army from all Libyan cities and population centers," he said. "This is a new offer."

Ibrahim said the offer was the farthest the government had gone since fighting broke out against the rebels. He said as part of the deal, NATO would also have to halt its strikes of Libyan targets.

There was no immediate comment by rebel leaders based in the eastern city of Benghazi. Up to now their main demand has been the removal of Gadhafi and his sons from power.

Also late Thursday, Gadhafi appeared briefly on Libyan state TV, his first appearance in several days.

An international aid group said Friday that 3,800 Chadians who fled fighting in Libya were stranded in a remote desert town in northern Chad.

The International Organization for Migration in Geneva said the migrants have little food or water, and dozens are sick or injured.

Another journalist dead in Libya as four are released

Journalists held in Libya for 44 days survived a barrage of gunfire from Libyan soldiers that killed a colleague before they were captured.

Clare Morgana Gillis, 34, a reporter working for USA TODAY and The Atlantic, and James Foley, a reporter for the GlobalPost news agency, arrived at the Tunisian border Thursday evening after being released by the Libyan government. They were driven to the border by members of the Hungarian Embassy, which had assisted in their release.

"I feel fine, and I'm so happy to be on the other side, where I can talk freely," Gillis said from a hotel in Djerba, just over the border from Libya in Tunisia.

The arrival in Tunisia ends an odyssey that began April 5 when Gillis, Foley and Spanish photographer Manuel Varela were captured by forces loyal to Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi while they were covering a battle with rebels in the oil port of Brega.

Gillis said the three of them, plus a fourth journalist, photographer Anton Hammerl of South Africa, had gotten out of the taxi they had hired outside Brega and were walking on a road. Trucks then came racing down the road and fired at them.

She said they all ran into some bushes to the side and laid down. The trucks stopped and continued to fire at them. Hammerl was shot in the abdomen and was bleeding badly, Gillis said.

"It all happened in a split second. We thought we were in the crossfire. But, eventually, we realized they were shooting at us. You could see and hear the bullets hitting the ground near us," Foley told the GlobalPost. "I thought instinctively that we were all going to get killed, so I jumped up to surrender and screamed that we were journalists.

An Al Jazeera cameraman was killed in an apparent murder in Libya in mid-March, ambushed while en route to the eastern rebel stronghold of Benghazi. The following month, two veteran conflict photographers, Chris Hondros and Tim Hetherington, were killed in a blast while documenting a battle near the western city of Misurata. And four New York Times journalists narrowly escaped death when they were caught in the crossfire on the opposite end of the country. The group was released safely on March 21 following a harrowing week-long captivity. While they were in detention, the group reported, they were blindfolded, beaten, and psychologically brutalized by Gadhafi soldiers. Their driver, meanwhile, is presumed to have been killed after his capture.

For Hammerl, the end apparently came during a sudden gun battle near the town of Brega, where he came under fire while he and other journalists--American reporters Clare Morgana Gillis and James Wright Foley; and Spanish photographer Manuel Varela de Seijas Brabo--were embedded with a cadre of rebels.

"We heard Anton call out, 'Help,' and I think it was Jim said, 'Is everybody OK?' Anton said, 'No, I've been hit.' The shooting started and they were coming closer. We ducked back down, we couldn't look back up. And then they were right there," Gillis, 34, recalled to The Atlantic, which was one of the outlets that had hired her on to cover the Libyan conflict. "They just came over and started knocking us around. They took away our stuff, tied us up, threw us in the back of the truck. And we all looked down at Anton. I saw him not moving and in a pool of blood. Jim tried to talk to him -- 'Are you OK?' -- and he didn't answer anymore."

Foley, a reporter for the Boston-based GlobalPost, recounted that he and his colleagues purposely concealed Hammerl's death during the course of their captivity, which took them through various detention centers and, at one point for Gillis, a luxury hotel. (A British journalist who had been separately detained was also released Thursday, according to GlobalPost.

Hammerl was the closest to the soldiers and was shot during the attack. Foley told GlobalPost that he, Gillis and their companion, Spanish photographer Manu Brabo, surrendered and as they were taken away they saw Hammerl's body, with a stomach wound, lying lifelessly in the sand.

Hammerl's fate was unknown until Thursday, when Foley and Gillis communicated news of his death to his family. They were captured and he was killed on April 5.

"From the moment Anton disappeared in Libya we have lived in hope as the Libyan officials assured us that they had Anton," read a statement from Hammerl's family posted on Facebook. "It is intolerably cruel that Gaddafi loyalists have known Anton's fate all along and chose to cover it up."

Foley had been shuffled from one detention center to another with little information making its way out of Libya during his capture.

His parents, John and Diane, waged a campaign in the media and with government officials to bring him home. They spoke to him by phone when he was freed.

"We were overjoyed to get a telephone call from Jim shortly after his release today in Tripoli," Diane Foley said in a statement Wednesday. "He told me he was well and looking forward to coming home. We are extraordinarily grateful to the many people who have worked on his release and we hope to have him home as soon as possible.

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President Obama's Libya Intervention Hits 60-Day Legal Limit

Critics of the Obama administration's decision to bypass Congress before taking military action in Libya, Friday is judgment day.

May 20 is the 60-day deadline for President Barack Obama to get congressional authorization under the War Powers Act, prompting outrage among a bipartisan group of lawmakers who believe that the president is breaking the law. Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) and five of his GOP colleagues sent a letter to Obama, demanding an answer.

"There is a law. It's on the books, and in plain reading of the War Powers Act, he appears to be in violation of the War Powers Act," Paul told CNN.

"To me it's the most important debate we'll ever have up here," Paul added. "If we're going to send someone, your son or my son to war, its important that it be done properly. And it's important that, if there are constitutional restraints, we obey them."

Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Calif.) was just as emphatic, telling The Huffington Post, "[t]he War Powers Act is the law of the land, and it is clear. You must withdraw forces from hostilities after 60 days absent authorization from Congress. President Obama should seek authorization for the Libya operations and Congress should debate and vote. Our efforts to bring democracy to Libya should not undermine democracy and the rule of law in the United States.”

And Rep. Dennis Kucinich (D-Ohio) says he plans to introduce legislation next week to halt the mission. In a statement, Kucinich decried that the administration is "setting the stage for endless war which will bring ruin and poverty."

Though previous presidents have ignored provisions of the act requiring congressional approval before military action, it is unprecedented for the commander-in-chief to blow the 60-day deadline, say presidential scholars.

Congressional leaders, for their part, said very little about the deadline being missed. That might indicate they are willing to let the White House ignore a law that has been derided by some as unconstitutional.

Presidents have flouted the law before: President Ronald Reagan did it when he sent troops into Lebanon, and President Bill Clinton did it when he ordered airstrikes in the Balkans.

If Obama manages to ignore it, legal scholars say the precedent could help undo a law that was intended to take back Congress’s control over U.S. warmaking.

“The fundamental point is: Before we engage in a serious military endeavor, both branches should give their consent,” said Bruce Ackerman, a Yale University law professor. If Obama ignores the law, he said, “we go back to the status quo before 1973. I mean, Richard Nixon will have won.”

The War Powers Resolution was an attempt to settle a dispute as old as the Constitution. That document says that only Congress has the power to declare war but that the president is commander in chief of the military.

Repeatedly, presidents construed that to mean they could send U.S. forces into combat without congressional permission. In many cases, the reasoning was that the fights would be too small, or too short, to be considered a “war.”

In 1973, Congress tried to take its power back. It said presidents must get explicit permission within 60 days — and withdraw forces if permission isn’t given.

But almost since the law was written, presidents have been trying to ignore it. Many have argued that it is unconstitutional, usurping presidential powers to command.

U.S. involvement in the Libya operation is estimated to have cost taxpayers at least $750 million so far, according to the Pentagon. U.S. drones and military aircraft, including refueling tankers and surveillance planes, remain actively involved in enforcing a no-fly zone above Libya.

White House press secretary Jay Carney has said that the administration plans to continue "consultations" with Congress on Libya but would not comment when asked recently about the passing of the 60-day deadline.

But Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg told a Senate panel last week that Obama remains "mindful" of the War Powers Resolution and seeks to abide by it.

"He will continue to do so, and we look forward to continuing to consult with Congress on our role in the coming days," he said.

With the House of Representatives on recess and Obama headed to Europe next week, many observers don't see a speedy resolution to the issue and expressed disappointment at the impasse.

"They're making a mistake on the War Powers Act," said Brookings Institution foreign policy fellow Michael O'Hanlon. "Congress does deserve a role in this and making the case to Congress for continued military action in Libya shouldn't be hard."

Tom Donnelly, director of Center for Defense Studies at the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute, speculated that Obama has tried to avoid the issue of extending operations in Libya given public sentiment on the conflict.

"There's been rising domestic and political discontent about it," he said. "Maybe he [Obama] can get away with it because of the Osama bin Laden killing. But it's difficult to say in the games of chicken between the White House, Capitol Hill and all over town."

Obama has sought to take a backseat in the Libyan intervention, stressing the U.S. holds a support role as part of an international coalition led by NATO.

"We cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to impose regime change by force -- no matter how well-intended it may be," Obama said Thursday in a speech on Middle East policy.

"But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, had a mandate for action, and heard the Libyan people's call for help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed."

Still, nearly four years ago, it was then-candidate Obama who suggested an end didn't justify the use of any means.

"No more ignoring the law when it's inconvenient. That is not who we are," Obama said, referring to his predecessor President George W. Bush. "We will again set an example for the world that the law is not subject to the whims of stubborn rulers.

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Friday, April 29, 2011

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Obama Doctrine: Syria vs. Libya Intervention

Libya says it is ready to try Gaddafi loyalists

Libya oil production, exports back to normal

Friday, May 20, 2011

NATO hits 3 ports to protect rebel-held port

Another journalist dead in Libya as four are released

President Obama's Libya Intervention Hits 60-Day Legal Limit

Friday, April 29, 2011

Royal Wedding Form Libya